Archive for the English Category

Amerikalı anarşist Rakka’nın IŞİD’den özgürleştirilmesi sırasında öldürüldü

Posted in Avrupa haberler, Deutschsprachige Artikel, Direnis, English, Français with tags , on 11/07/2017 by Karakök

Rojava’daki anarşist gerilla birimi IRPGF (Uluslararası Halkın Gerilla Güçleri), DAIS’e karşı Rojava konfederalist devrim için savaşan ABD’li anarşist Heval Demhat’ın Rakka’nın DAIS cetelerin’den temizlenmesi sırasında öldürüldüğünü duyurdu.

Heval Demhat, 2014’teki Kobane işgali bitisinde  YPG saflarina  katılmıştı.

Der Tyrannenmord ist ein sehr alter Vorschlag, gutgeheissen von etlichen respektablen Philosophen

Posted in Deutschsprachige Artikel, English, Espanol, Français with tags , on 03/02/2017 by Karakök

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Der Tyrannenmord ist ein sehr alter Vorschlag, gutgeheissen von etlichen respektablen Philosophen. Dass Erdogan ein Tyrann ist, steht wohl ausser Frage. Er hat einen Führerkult um sich aufgebaut, versucht alle Fäden in seinen Händen zusammenkommen zu lassen und unterdrückt jegliche politische Kraft, die ihm nicht passt.

Dass viele den Tod dieses Tyrannen wünschen, steht ausser Frage. Wieviele Augen würden aufleuchten, bei der Nachricht seines Todes? Und man muss zugeben, dass uns Anarchisten die Idee des Tyrannenmords nur symphatisch sein kann. Sollten wir aber als Anarchisten all unsere Anstrengung darin setzen, einen Tyrannen zu töten? Einen Diktator, der nicht ganz so auswechselbar ist wie es vielfach die demokratischen Präsidenten sind…

Es gab einige Anarchisten, die versucht haben, einen der grossen europäischen Diktatoren des 20. Jahrhunderts zu töten. Auf Mussolini, Hitler, Franco und Lenin gab es erfolglose Attentatspläne von Anarchisten. Wer weiss was geschehen wäre, wären die Pläne von Erfolg gekrönt gewesen…?

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Doch der Tyrannenmord ist keineswegs eine Spezialität der Anarchisten, nichts wäre falscher als das. Zum klassischen Tyrannenmord griffen schon etliche verschiedene Parteien der Geschichte, zumeist um einem anderen Regime den Weg zu bereiten. Viele Republikaner waren Anhänger des Tyrannenmords, und dies ist auch logisch konsequent, wollen sie doch, dass der Staat von gewählten Repräsentanten geführt werde.

Ein heroisches Beispiel sind etwa die Russischen “Nihilisten” (Narodniki), die über Jahre hinweg versuchten, den russischen Zaren zu töten. Ihre Ideen waren grossteils demokratisch-republikanisch, und sie hofften, mit dem Tod des Zaren einer Volksregierung den Weg zu bereiten oder zumindest den Zarenmythos zu zerstören. Sie waren, das muss gesagt werden, keine Anarchisten. Als die Ermordung des Zaren, nach etlichen, opferreichen Versuchen, schliesslich erfolgreich war, ginge eine Welle der Freude durch die Welt. Doch die erwartete Revolution liess auf sich warten. Die Bauern verstanden es nicht, ja, betrachteten den Zaren vielfach sogar als ihren Freund…

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Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Erfahrungen überlegten sich die russischen Anarchisten ihre Konzepte. Sie sagten, dass der “politische Terror” (wie z.B. die Ermordung des Zaren) vor allem für die Bourgeoisie interessant sei, während die grosse Masse skeptisch abseits steht, ohne dass sich ihre Lage gross verändert. Sie propagierten demgegenüber den “ökonomischen und sozialen Terror”, das heisst: den Angriff auf die aufkommende Bourgeoisie wie den Adel insgesamt. Sabotage und Zerstörung in den Fabriken, Angriffe auf die Infrastruktur, etc. Dort wo es den Reichen ökonomisch wehtut. Und sozial hiess: Angriff auf Leib und Leben der sozialen Tyrannen, die Unternehmer, Kapitalisten, Grossgrundbesitzer, Kirche, Polizei etc. Diese Entscheidung, das politische Feld zu verlassen, und ins ökonomische und soziale Gebiet vorzustossen, schien den Anarchisten nur logisch. Ist es doch das soziale und ökonomische Gebiet, indem der Staat seine Wurzeln schlägt, und nur wenn man diesen dort entwurzelt, die Wurzeln abhackt, fällt der ganze baum und nicht nur die Krone…

In der russischen Revolution von 1905 wurde dieses Konzept des “sozialen und ökonomischen Terrors” [nur um’s zu sagen: das Wort Terror wäre nicht meine Wahl] von einer grossen und lebendigen anarchistischen Bewegung (die übrigens nur im Geheimen agieren konnte) breit angewandt, und verbreitete sich unter den Bauern und Arbeitern rasant. Das Konzept hatte das Potential, dem Staat jeglichen Grund und Boden zu entziehen, der nun von der (nun nicht mehr) armen Bauern- und Arbeiterbevölkerung frei benutzt werden konnte. Die russische Revolution von 1905 wurde bald niedergeschlagen, aber man wird den Einfluss der aufständischen Experimente der Anarchisten 12 Jahre später nicht verleugnen können, als die Revolution nun nicht mehr vom alten Staat gemeuchelt wurde, sondern von den Bolschewisten…

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Ich wurde gefragt, einen Kommentar zu den Möglichkeiten für Anarchisten in der gegenwärtigen Situation in der Türkei zu schreiben. Diese Situation ist mir nur vom Hörensagen bekannt, weshalb ich hier auch lieber historische Beispiele vorbringe, die mir in den Sinn kamen, als ich mit Gefährten über gewisse Gedankengänge sprach. Die Gefährten erzählten mir von der allgemeinen Perspektivenlosigkeit angesichts des neulichen Putsches von Erdogan, und das viele Gefährten glaubten, nichts mehr tun zu können, als auf das kleinere Übel zu hoffen. Vor allem angesichts der Tatsache, dass die Anarchisten nur eine kleine Minderheit stellen. Hier kam die Sprache auf die Frage des Tyrannenmords, die, wenn man denkt, das wirklich soviel an dieser Einzelnen Person liegt, doch eigentlich naheliegend sein sollte. Ob nun an Erdogan so viel liegt oder nicht, darüber wage ich nicht zu entscheiden.

Was mir aber am Herzen liegt, ist darauf hinzuweisen, dass der politische Wechsel allein für Anarchisten nicht zufriedenstellend sein kann. Als Feinde jeglicher Herrschaft sollte es uns vielmehr daran gelegen sein, wie wir mit unserer Aktivität den revolutionären Prozess anstossen, beschleunigen und vertiefen können. Wie wir jeglicher Herrschaft die Wurzeln abhacken können. Das bedeutet vor allem, auch in den schlimmsten Episoden noch zu versuchen die eigenen Ideen hochzuhalten. Auch in den Situationen, in denen uns alle vorwerfen nicht für das kleinere Übel zu sein. Als Anarchisten kann unsere Perspektive nicht die Politik sein. Wir können uns auf die Seite keiner Bourgeoisie stellen, sei sie auch links, kurdisch oder fortschrittlich. Wir haben keine Macht zu erhalten.
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Der anarchistische Kampf kann nur sozial sein. Die Entfaltung einer breiten Agitation, die Propagierung und Verbreitung von reproduzierbaren Sabotageakten und Angriffen kann, so denke ich, auch unter dem repressivsten Regime seine Effekte kreieren. Der Versuch, lokale Kämpfe anzustossen, die sich nicht um politische Fragen drehen, sondern um soziale Fragen, scheint mir überall wertvoll zu sein – und in der Türkei, soweit ich von der Situation höre, auch einiges an Potential zu haben. Zumindest ist es das, was ich in meinem Kontext umzusetzen versuche. Was davon in eurem eigenen Kontext vonnutzen ist, zu was ihr euch entscheidet oder nicht, wichtig scheint mir immer das Zusammenspiel von Worten und Taten, das Experimentieren mit den verschiedensten Ansätzen, der Mut dazu und vorallem: den Horizont nicht zu verkleinern, sondern immer offen zu halten für den Sprung ins Unbekannte, die soziale Revolution.

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anti-Trump protest

Posted in Deutschsprachige Artikel, Direnis, English, Espanol, Français with tags on 21/01/2017 by Karakök

Feldman, Leah, 1899-1993

Posted in Deutschsprachige Artikel, English, Espanol, Français on 08/01/2017 by Karakök

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A biography of Polish-born anarchist Leah Feldman, nicknamed the “Makhnovist Granny” who tirelessly devoted her life for the cause of working class emancipation.

Leah Feldman, who was cremated in London on January 7th, 1994 was one of the ordinary men and women who rarely get into history books but have been the backbone of the anarchist movement.

Born in Warsaw in 1899, as a schoolgirl she became interested in anarchism. She said that her mother used to hide her shoes so that she could not attend meetings, which were then illegal in Poland. Finally she ran away to her sister in London where she earned her living at the sewing machine.

Working in the sweatshops of the East End she became active in the Yiddish-speaking anarchist movement that flourished at that time. When the Russian revolution broke out in 1917 the overwhelming majority of Russian male Jewish anarchists returned home. Many of those women whose husbands and lovers died at the hands of the Tsarists or the Bolsheviks, remained in England. The Jewish (in the sense of neither racial or religious but Yiddish-speaking) anarchist movement gradually dwindled and ended with Leah’s death in January.

Leah, however, had made her own way to Russia. Upon arrival she saw the reality of Bolshevik rule and was not impressed. As a working woman she could see the effects of their dictatorship in a way that visiting intellectuals could not. Before leaving Moscow she attended Kropotkin’s funeral, the last permitted anarchist demonstration until the collapse of Stalinism. (In a great display of self-discipline all of the anarchist political prisoners who were paroled for the funeral returned to jail, in the hope that the Bolsheviks would give parole to others in the future).

Leah travelled south to the Ukraine and joined the anarchist Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army led by Nestor Makhno. The Ukranian anarchists fought Tsarism, foreign intervention and then the Bolshevik dictatorship. Though she did not actually fight (some women who could ride horseback did) she joined the train that followed the army and prepared clothes and food for the orphans and strays they picked up everywhere.

When they were defeated in 1921 she got out of the country by changing her nationality through a marriage of convenience to a German anarchist. They did not meet again. She made her way to Paris and then back to London. There she acquired British citizenship by another marriage of convenience, this time to a derelict ex-serviceman who was paid £10 for his services. They did not see each other until many years later Leah received an official communication that he was in a geriatric hospital. She used to visit him with presents of tabacco.

Before World War II she travelled to Poland and Palestine, working her way to both places. In Palestine she organised a federation of anarchists. One surprise was meeting her old friend Paula Green, who had been pressurised into marriage in Russia, so had chosen an atheist zionist with whom she was in love. Paula knew he was active in Labour politics but thought it impossible that he would ever be in government as he thought her ideas impossible.

Green changed his name to Ben Gurion and became the first prime minister of Israel. His wife did not leave him but she never once took part in any public functions with him. She remained a still believing, if passive, anarchist.

When Leah returned to London at the end of 1935 she helped raise money for the German sailors who organised an anti-nazi resistance group in the 1930s. She also did tremendous work for the Spanish anarchist movement when the civil war broke out.

Leah was a member of a working group of immigrant anarchist women in Holborn ever since 1939. How, with the confusion of tongues – broken English, Yiddish, Polish, French, Catalan, Spanish, Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot – they understood each other was a mystery to many. But they managed.

Leah had to give up work when her eyesight went after an operation. She was completely blind in one eye thereafter and increasingly so in the other. She used her free time to help the movement she had given her life to. In the 1960s she smuggled arms into Spain for the fighters who had continued resisting the Franco regime since 1939. The Catalans, who are prone to giving nicknames, christened her “la yaya Makhnowista” (the Makhnovist granny).

Her last years were sad. Not only were all her family and her early friends dead, there was nobody left with whom she could talk in her own language. But she never gave up. She still supported anarchist meetings and always attended the annual London Anarchist Bookfair when her health permitted.

Our movement has been built by working women and men like Leah. It is right that we do not forget their contribution.

Thanks to Leah’s friend Albert Meltzer and to the Kate Sharpley Library for information about Leah’s life.

From http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/ws93/leah39.html

Swiss people preparing to protest Erdoğan: “We don’t want dictators”

Posted in Deutschsprachige Artikel, English, Espanol, Français with tags on 05/01/2017 by Karakök

The Cyprus talks led by the United Nations (UN) will recommence in Geneva, Switzerland on January 9 after the break. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is expected to attend the conference on January 12, the last day of the talks between January 9-12.

Turkish Deputy Secretary General and Spokesperson of the Presidency İbrahim Kalın announced that President Erdoğan was to attend the last day of the talks in Geneva in a comment he made recently.

“WE DON’T WANT DICTATORS IN GENEVA”

Swiss leftist and socialist circles and people from Kurdistan and Turkey sprang into action after the news spread that Erdoğan was going to visit Geneva.

People say “We don’t want dictators in our country and our canton” on social media and point out that Erdoğan shouldn’t be coming to Switzerland.

HDK Switzerland constituents and Swiss leftist and socialist circles are preparing for a protest in front of the United Nations on January 12.

The Swiss people are calling Erdoğan’s visit to Geneva “a dark day for Geneva, known as the center for human rights” and point out the level of human rights violations in Turkey in social media posts.

As reactions against Erdoğan’s plan to visit Geneva grow, eyes turn to Swiss political parties, NGOs and many deputies who harshly criticize Erdoğan’s anti-democratic practices and call Erdoğan a dictator.

YPG: Turkish army continues its attacks on Rojava

Posted in Deutschsprachige Artikel, English, Espanol, Français with tags on 31/12/2016 by Karakök

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YPG Press Office said in a written statement that Turkish troops attacked the village of Til Sheir to the west of Kobanê twice at noon and evening, December 29.

On the other hand, Turkish army attacked the Siluleh village to the east of Kobanê with heavy weapons early this morning. In addition, a Turkish drone carried out activities over this area.

The statement by YPG Press Office added: “At 08:00 this morning, our units approached a group of civilians to stop them as they headed from Serekaniye’s Elok village towards the border. Turkish soldiers opened fire on our fighters as they went near the civilians. One combatant of ours has gotten injured as a result of the fire.”

Final declaration of the Federal System Constituent Assembly conference

Posted in Deutschsprachige Artikel, English, Espanol, Français with tags on 31/12/2016 by Karakök

The final declaration of the Northern Syria Democratic Federal System Constituent Assembly issued a call to all circles in Syria to take active part in the building of a Democratic and Federal Syria.

 

The Northern Syria Constituent Assembly conference began in the town of Rimêlan on December 27 and lasted three days. Yesterday, the 165-member council approved the Social Contract draft.

The final declaration of the conference was made public in a press conference.

Constituent Assembly member Elizabeth Koreyî who read the final declaration stated that the second meeting on the works of the Northern Syria Democratic Federal System Constituent Assembly, which was declared on March 17, 2016, was held with the participation of 165 members from the three cantons and Shehba region on December 27-28-29 in the scope of the developments in Syria and the region.

Accordingly, the conference witnessed an evaluation of the current process and the latest situation in Syria, military and political developments-mainly in Northern Syria- Turkey’s occupation of Jarablus and efforts for the occupation of al Bab, threats against Manbij and Efrîn, changes these have caused in the demography of the region and attacks on civilians. It was agreed that Turkey’s invasion of Syrian soil must be opposed and stood against.

Participants of the conference also discussed the military developments in Aleppo and Palmyra, changes in the balance of power and consequent effects of these changes for the coming process.

According to the final declaration, participants called attention to the importance of a ceasefire in Syria, and emphasized that all key elements should sit around a joint table for the resolution of the Syrian crisis in order that the previous failed talks and meetings aiming a solution do not repeat.

Constituent Assembly member Elizabeth Koreyî stated that the gains achieved by the Syrian Democratic Forces during the operation to liberate Raqqa were also assessed. Koreyî continued as follows:

“After that, the Executive Council’s report was read. All activities by the committees up to date were assessed in the report. The Social Contract articles among the main points on the agenda were separately assessed and necessary changes were made in some articles.

The Constituent Assembly shared the political document set forth for the resolution of the crisis in Syria. The Assembly stated that the Northern Syrian Federation was a part of the Democratic and Federal Syria. The Federal System was assessed to be a democratic solution for the future of Syria and a system to guarantee an exit from the current crisis and to prevent social collapse. In addition, the administration experience we have achieved since the July 19 revolution that occurred with the participation of all peoples has posed an example for all of Syria.

Our call for the democratic and national forces that believe in a political solution is to come together and build a Democratic and Federal Syria that includes all peoples. With that, we call on all political and social groups in Northern Syria to take active part in the democratic system.

We gift this victory achieved through the blood of our martyrs to all the peoples of Syria for the new year.”